by Conrad Black
Apart from exposing once again the obtuseness, the moral bankruptcy, and the almost inexpressible hatred of the president that possesses the Democratic congressional leadership, Attorney General William Barr’s appearance at the House Judiciary Committee on Tuesday clarified in a few minutes why the national interest requires the reelection of the administration.
From the refusal to allow the attorney general to answer the questions which the Democratic propaganda machine had assured the country would be unanswerable, to the almost unimaginable discourtesy of the bumbling and nasty committee chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.)—who declined even to agree to the attorney general’s request for a five-minute break—to the concise dismissals Barr was able to make when allocated time by Republican congressmen to answer the belligerent allegations of their Democratic colleagues; all of it demonstrated the extent to which this election campaign has become an exercise in make-believe.
The fantasy that a successful administration that has bucked unprecedented illegal obstruction and is managing an epochal public health crisis is about to be handed a gigantic pink slip to give Democrats a mandate to transform the United States into a profoundly socialist country under a figurehead president who hasn’t the stature to be more than a loquacious senator or companionable vice president, continues to be widely believed.
The Political Impossibility of Biden’s Platform
London’s Economist magazine, most of whose dwindling circulation resides in the United States, was until about 10 years ago an insightful and original publication judging most political and economic questions fairly and from a sensible progressive capitalist perspective. But today it illustrates the perversity of the anti-Trump delusional pandemic.
In its July 4 issue, the Economist solemnly intoned that Trump would have to reverse the supposedly rampaging coronavirus pandemic, accelerate the economic recovery, and generally be a more empathetic chap in order to have more than the one chance in nine that the magazine gave him for reelection. Biden was extolled as naturally popular and his rather glaring shortcomings, including his shaky intellectual stamina and prodigious past financial abuse of public office, were simply whitewashed.
Even allowing for the fact that the Economist has sunk into the fetid marsh of globalism, green fear, and guilt-ridden Western self-criticism, it illustrates the purblind self-unawareness of the contemporary Western media that a Biden election is judged almost certain.
In what its readers presumably imagine to be a thoughtful analysis, the Economist did not mention the likelihood that much of the Obama-Biden Administration is about to be indicted for the most colossal constitutional crimes in the country’s history in trying to alter and then undo the 2016 presidential election result. It did not blink at the complete political and practical impossibility of the program that Biden has now embraced.
Having been picked out of the electoral dumpster where the primary voters had left him, and placed by the party elders on the nomination throne, Biden has run away from the arms of his minders into the beckoning clutches of the Sanders-Ocasio-Cortez socialist Democrats.
Senator Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and the Economist have proclaimed Biden to be the most “progressive candidate since FDR,” committing, like most commentators from Right to Left, the irritating mistake of accepting that Franklin D. Roosevelt was a man of the Left. (He was an altruistic capitalist who wished to make America safe for those who lived in 40-room houses on thousand-acre states as he did, and he saved 95 percent of a failed and bankrupt system.) The reactionary Right has allowed the Left to kidnap FDR and monopolize “progress.”
Among other things, Biden is now pledged to work for the elimination of the oil and gas industry and the 7 million jobs connected to it; to increase drastically the taxes of the upper half of American income-earners; to reinvigorate the putrid corpse of organized labor for which a society that provides adequate legislative protection of working people has no use or need; to reopen the borders without limitation and permit anyone who purports to be an American resident to vote; to use harvested mailed ballots when necessary to assure a lopsided Democratic advantage in elections to come; to look positively into the virtues of reparations for African-Americans—an item budgeted at many trillions of dollars even by comparatively sensible African-American spokespeople; to stand down much of the American military; and to return to a policy of rigorous passivity opposite the Chinese lunge for world power paramountcy.
None of these issues is being focused on now or were recognized by the Economist, and declared voting preferences have been influenced by the successful Democratic media campaign to terrorize the country over the coronavirus.
Mob Violence vs. Law and Order
Trump is now diligently applying himself to being clearly, once again, on top of the effort to resume the reduction of the fatality rates. At some point in the next two months, he is going to have to commend to the voters the altogether American policy of ceasing to hide in fear from this illness and instead to concentrate on sheltering the vulnerable while the rest of the country, the 80 percent of people who have a 99.9 percent chance of surviving it, get on with their lives. Parallel to this process will be the resumption of the vertiginous reduction in unemployment numbers.
What the public will remember from the appearance of the attorney general at the House Judiciary Committee on Tuesday is his lamentation that one of the two great historic political parties of the country is now unwilling or unable to condemn mob violence, and when taxed with the COVID-19 crisis as if he were the secretary of health and human services, Barr reminded the Democrats that the Trump Administration inherited a completely depleted and almost useless public health crisis response capability from of the Obama-Biden regime.
The most telling statistic on the election campaign that emerged in the past week was that more than 60 percent of Americans feel uneasy discussing their political preferences. As Republican National Committee spokespeople have asserted, most of the current polls are just part of the Democratic propaganda effort to discourage Republicans and continue the morale-boosting singsong of the Democratic multitudes trying to pretend that the country is cranking up to replace its most energetic president since Theodore Roosevelt with a waxworks dummy hiding in his basement, who has never, in nearly 50 years in politics, enjoyed any support outside the doll-house state of Delaware.
The election campaign is obscured by summer clouds. We will see the COVID-19 crisis subside, possibly accelerated by a vaccine, continuing economic recovery, the political consequences of the Democratic mollycoddling of anti-white racist urban violence, and we will see the full exposure of the constitutional crimes of the former administration which a Biden administration, as the attorney general said in the Capitol on Tuesday, would try to sweep under the rug.
We all see this, but the majority are in suspensive denial or determined silence. All have seen the lightning; the thunder will come on November 3.
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Conrad Black has been one of Canada’s most prominent financiers for 40 years, and was one of the leading newspaper publishers in the world as owner of the British telegraph newspapers, the Fairfax newspapers in Australia, the Jerusalem Post, Chicago Sun-Times and scores of smaller newspapers in the U.S., and most of the daily newspapers in Canada. He is the author of authoritative biographies of Franklin D. Roosevelt and Richard Nixon, one-volume histories of the United States and Canada, and most recently of Donald J. Trump: A President Like No Other. He is a member of the British House of Lords as Lord Black of Crossharbour.